Do paradoxo da estratégia à psicologia, passando pelo preço do dinheiro e o horror a perder

Ainda na passada sexta-feira de manhã, a conversa, na viagem de carro da Figueira da Foz para Coimbra, veio parar a isto, ao paradoxo da estratégia.

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A conversa começara por causa de um sinal que vimos na autoestrada, aquele que se coloca a 1300 metros a avisar que vai haver um corte de faixa. Um sinal daqueles custa cerca de 700 euros. 

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Fará sentido, para uma empresa que faz uma obra por ano numa auto-estrada, adquirir um sinal? Não fará sentido haver no mercado empresas que aluguem sinais como quem aluga gruas?

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Perguntava-me a jovem:

- Então, se o futuro for no sentido que diz, empresas mais pequenas e especializadas. Elas podem ganhar mais dinheiro enquanto tudo correr bem mas, se o mercado mudar, têm menos hipóteses de escapar?

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Claro que concordei com o seu raciocínio. E tentei descrever esta figura e o seu significado:

Mais foco, mais pureza estratégica, maior rentabilidade e mais risco, logo mais mortalidade.

Menos foco, menos pureza estratégia, menor rentabilidade e menos risco, logo menos mortalidade.

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Este trecho veio-me recordar a conversa da passada sexta-feira:

"As I was reading this book I kept wondering why organizations were so reluctant to employ a strategy. All of this thinking reminded me of another book I had read a few years back on strategy called The Strategy Paradox. What is the paradox?

The most profitable strategies are “extreme” strategies that commit companies to positions of either product differentiation or cost leadership. These extreme positions expose firms to a greater likelihood of bankruptcy by increasing the strategic risk they face. Consequently, the strategies likeliest to succeed are also likeliest to fail. That is the strategy paradox.
At first I thought organizations avoided good strategy simply because it was complicated and involved hard choices. The more I thought about it, however, the more I settled on the fact that people avoid good strategies because they don’t want to be wrong."

E isto leva-me a fazer a ligação com o capítulo 28 do livro de Daniel Kahneman "Thinking, Fas and Slow", um capítulo chamado "Bad Events":

"The concept of loss aversion is certainly the most significant contribution of psychology to behavioral economics. This is odd, because the idea that people evaluate many outcomes as gains and losses, and that losses loom larger than gains, surprises no one. ... The brains of humans and other animals contain a mechanism that is designed to give priority to bad news. ... The brain responds quickly even to purely symbolic threats. Emotionally loaded words quickly attract attention, and bad words (war, crime) attract attention faster than do happy words (peace, love). ... The self is more motivated to avoid bad self-definitions than to pursue good ones. Bad impressions and bad stereotypes are quicker to form and more resistant to disconfirmation than good ones."

E agora estas estatísticas retiradas do golfe:

"Pope and Schweitzer reasoned from loss aversion that players would try a little harder when putting for par (to avoid a bogey) than when putting for a birdie. They analyzed more than 2.5 million putts in exquisite detail to test that prediction. They were right. Whether the putt was easy or hard, at every distance from the hole, the players were more successful when putting for par than for a birdie. The difference in their rate of success when going for par (to avoid a bogey) or for a birdie was 3.6%. This difference is not trivial. ... These fierce competitors certainly do not make a conscious decision to slack off on birdie putts, but their intense aversion to a bogey apparently contributes to extra concentration on the task at hand."

 Como o preço do dinheiro está cada vez mais elevado, são precisas rentabilidades cada vez mais elevadas para remunerar o capital, logo, um desafio interessante em cima da mesa... o paradoxo da estratégia, o preço do dinheiro e o horror às perdas que permeiam a nossa psicologia.

E a única alavanca explicativa e descritora da realidade baseia-se em Econs

Daniel Kahneman em "Thinking, Fast and Slow" recorda:
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"One day in the early 1970s, Amos handed me a mimeographed essay by a Swiss economist named Bruno Frey, which discussed the psychological assumptions of economic theory. I vividly remember the color of the cover: dark red. Bruno Frey barely recalls writing the piece, but I can still recite its first sentence: “The agent of economic theory is rational, selfish, and his tastes do not change.” I was astonished. My economist colleagues worked in the building next door, but I had not appreciated the profound difference between our intellectual worlds. To a psychologist, it is self-evident that people are neither fully rational nor completely selfish, and that their tastes are anything but stable. Our two disciplines seemed to be studying different species, which the behavioral economist Richard Thaler later dubbed Econs and Humans. Unlike Econs, the Humans that psychologists know have a System 1. Their view of the world is limited by the information that is available at a given moment (WYSIATI), and therefore they cannot be as consistent and logical as Econs. They are sometimes generous and often willing to contribute to the group to which they are attached. And they often have little idea of what they will like next year or even tomorrow.
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Most graduate students in economics have heard about prospect theory and loss aversion, but you are unlikely to find these terms in the index of an introductory text in economics. I am sometimes pained by this omission, but in fact it is quite reasonable, because of the central role of rationality in basic economic theory. The standard concepts and results that undergraduates are taught are most easily explained by assuming that Econs do not make foolish mistakes. This assumption is truly necessary, and it would be undermined by introducing the Humans of prospect theory, whose evaluations of outcomes are unreasonably short-sighted. There are good reasons for keeping prospect theory out of introductory texts. The basic concepts of economics are essential intellectual tools, which are not easy to grasp even with simplified and unrealistic assumptions about the nature of the economic agents who interact in markets. Raising questions about these assumptions even as they are introduced would be confusing, and perhaps demoralizing. It is reasonable to put priority on helping students acquire the basic tools of the discipline."
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Só que parece que os estudantes nunca chegam a ter contacto com as tentativas de descrição científica da tomada de decisões entre Humans, para eles as decisões são tomadas por Econs.
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Depois, saem das universidades e chegam a posições de relevo e a única alavanca explicativa e descritora da realidade baseia-se em Econs:
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"Custo do trabalho "reduzido" para estimular economia"
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"Os custos do trabalho estão a ser reduzidos para melhorar a competitividade

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Esta "redução de custos" deverá servir para "impulsionar o setor dos bens transacionáveis até se concretizar o impacto da agenda de reformas estruturais"."

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Estes ex-estudantes não pescam nada da revolução económica em curso... são quase como os políticos da oposição que pedem mais crescimento, que eu traduzo por: mais autopistas e mais empréstimos bancários para consumo.

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Ex-estudantes e políticos da oposição e da situação deviam procurar perceber melhor a economia dos Humans, o advento de Mongo e a recalibração em curso. Se olharmos para a nossa situaçãop actual como uma recessão clássica, então, os estímulos pedidos pela oposição e o discurso do ex-estudante agora ministro das Finanças, apontam para um regresso mais rápido ou mais lento a um set-point já vivido no passado. Ou seja, voltar a ter um PIB medonho assente em construção, comércio e empregos no Estado...

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Estamos é a caminho de um outro set-point, diferente e, por isso, não servem as políticas dinamizadoras de um Grande Líder... a coisa vai mais como o fuçar de um conjunto de empreendedores. Talvez o termo seja próximo deste: efectuação.

Luzes no meio do oceano de dados

Ao ler este artigo "Toothpaste, toilet paper, white matter, and jam: Clues for better decision making" (a foto do artigo é paradigmática... já imaginaram um estrangeiro a escolher vinho num corredor de um hipermercado português?), ao chegar a este ponto:

"Writers, content producers, and other media have long known that “Top 10″ lists attract eyeballs and attention. People crave simplicity they can digest and manage from an authoritative source.
The typical American makes about 70 decisions per day. 50% of CEO decisions are made in 9 minutes or less, and less than 12% take more than an hour to make.
We collectively spend a alot of time not just trying to gather and analyze information to help inform the decisions we are making, but trying to absorb the information that comes at us unexpectedly, where we are not directing the stream of content."

Fiz logo a ponte para o capítulo 21 "Intuitions vs. Formulas" de "Thinking, Fast and Slow":

"The research suggests a surprising conclusion: to maximize predictive accuracy, final decisions should be left to formulas, especially in low-validity environments. In admission decisions for medical schools, for example, the final determination is often made by the faculty members who interview the candidate. The evidence is fragmentary, but there are solid grounds for a conjecture: conducting an interview is likely to diminish the accuracy of a selection procedure, if the interviewers also make the final admission decisions. Because interviewers are overconfident in their intuitions, they will assign too much weight to their personal impressions and too little weight to other sources of information, lowering validity." 

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"The important conclusion from this research is that an algorithm that is constructed on the back of an envelope is often good enough to compete with an optimally weighted formula, and certainly good enough to outdo expert judgment. This logic can be applied in many domains, ranging from the selection of stocks by portfolio managers to the choices of medical treatments by doctors or patients." 

É claro que depois destas citações tenho de acrescentar:

"I learned from this finding a lesson that I have never forgotten: intuition adds value even in the justly derided selection interview, but only after a disciplined collection of objective information and disciplined scoring of separate traits."

Podemos entrar numa roda livre...

Um dos temas que abordo no final da formação sobre "Indicadores de Monitorização de Processos" encontra-se retratado no livro "Thinking, Fast and Slow" de Daniel Kahneman:

"Our predilection for causal thinking exposes us to serious mistakes in evaluating the randomness of truly random events.

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"We are pattern seekers, believers in a coherent world, in which regularities ... appear not by accident but as a result of mechanical causality or of someone’s intention. We do not expect to see regularity produced by a random process, and when we detect what appears to be a rule, we quickly reject the idea that the process is truly random. Random processes produce many sequences that convince people that the process is not random after all. You can see why assuming causality could have had evolutionary advantages. It is part of the general vigilance that we have inherited from ancestors."

Deming chamava ao fenómeno "tampering" e a experiência do funil ilustra o seu efeito na inflação da variabilidade de um sistema.
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Quando monitorizamos o desempenho de um sistema somos tentados a procurar explicações causais para variações perfeitamente aleatórias, logo, muito facilmente, podemos entrar numa roda livre, numa actuação esquizofrénica destinada a remover todo o sintoma de variação... contudo, a variação faz parte dos sistemas normais.
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Por isso, recomendo o uso das cartas de controlo.

E com outros modelos mentais

Acerca do tema dos modelos mentais e como eles influenciam a forma como interpretamos o mundo:

"What do the three exhibits in figure 6 have in common? The answer is that all are ambiguous. You almost certainly read the display on the left as A B C and the one on the right as 12 13 14, but the middle items in both displays are identical. You could just as well have read e iom prthe cve them as A 13 C or 12 B 14, but you did not. Why not? The same shape is read as a letter in a context of letters and as a number in a context of numbers. The entire context helps determine the interpretation of each element. The shape is ambiguous, but you jump to a conclusion about its identity and do not become aware of the ambiguity that was resolved."

Acho particularmente interessante aquele "and do not become aware of the ambiguity that was resolved".
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Um tema aqui abordado ao longo dos anos:

• Maio 2007
• Julho 2008
• Julho 2009
• Janeiro 2010

Agora, já imaginaram os modelos mentais, forjados no passado, dos políticos e macro-economistas que continuam a influenciar as decisões de hoje, quando o mundo já está noutra?

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Reparem neste título "Medidas da troika explicam a subida recente do desemprego português", o conteúdo está em sintonia com este postal recente "FMI! Não me deixem ficar mal!", mas o título... o meu modelo mental interpreta o mundo desta forma:

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Segundo o autor do título, o desemprego está elevado por causa das medidas de austeridade que a troika impôs a Portugal, segundo o autor do título, se não fosse a troika, podíamos, como comunidade, continuar a caminho do precipício, a viver acima das nossas possibilidades como comunidade.

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O meu modelo mental avisa-me, ainda não perceberam nada, espero que a troika fique por cá, por muitos anos, até que a lei da vida coloque nos lugares de decisão gente forjada noutra realidade e com outros modelos mentais.

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Trecho retirado de "Thinking, Fast and Slow" de Daniel Kahneman.

Acerca da gratificação imediata

Este trecho de "We’re all suckers when a government bets on casinos":

"Study after study, as summarized in this recent comprehensive review, finds that lottery and other gaming revenues come disproportionately from lower income people. Instant games, such as slot machines, are particularly insidious. They prey on those who seek instant gratification, and study after study shows that success in life is strongly related to the ability to defer gratification, to avoid eating the marshmallow."

Fez-me logo a ponte para "Intelligence, Control, Rationality" em "Thinking, Fast and Slow":

"Researchers have applied diverse methods to examine the connection between thinking and self-control. Some have addressed it by asking the correlation question: If people were ranked by their self-control and by their cognitive aptitude, would individuals have similar positions in the two rankings?"

Conhecem a experiência de Walter Mischel? E as conclusões?

"Ten or fifteen years later, a large gap had opened between those who had resisted temptation and those who had not. The resisters had higher measures of executive control in cognitive tasks, and especially the ability to reallocate their attention effectively. As young adults, they were less likely to take drugs. A significant difference in intellectual aptitude emerged: the children who had shown more self-control as four-year-olds had substantially higher scores on tests of intelligence."

Isto tudo por causa da sensação, que há muitos anos paira na mente, de que os partidos políticos usam e abusam da promoção da "instant gratification" para ganhar eleições (as promessas eleitorais de François Hollande são o exemplo mais recente, nonsense completo. Por isso, é capaz de ter alguma sorte...). Sempre tentei relacionar essa postura de facilitismo dos partidos com uma visão termodinâmica, a favor do aumento da entropia. Paralelamente, o discurso da maioria das religiões, ao convidar-nos a fugir da gratificação imediata, funciona com uma barragem ao aumento da entropia e, segundo os psicólogos, aumenta-nos a inteligência.
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Assim, quando todos se queixam da infantilidade dos jovens universitários, ainda ontem li algures que a maioria dos alunos do 1º ano das universidades inglesas tem aulas extra para aprender a ler e a interpretar textos ingleses, talvez fosse de pensar duas vezes nesta história da promoção e exaltação da gratificação imediata... mas dá menos votos.